VOICES OF THE DIASPORA: MY CRITIQUE OF THE SWAZI PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT

A Swazi living in the diaspora gives a piercing critique of the liberation movements; pretenders to power, hollow rhetoric, and unanswered questions

The political landscape in eSwatini is cluttered with parties claiming to represent a wide range of ideologies: from liberation movements, communists, those with military-style overtures, those blending religion with opposition politics, and pan-African parties.

Some parties promote a vague version of democracy, intertwined with traditional Swazi customs. Despite this apparent diversity, a closer inspection reveals that most if not all of their political rhetoric lacks substance. The day-to-day struggles facing the Swazi people highlight the inadequacy of the current Tinkhundla political leadership. Unemployment is at a severe crisis level, with youth unemployment standing at a staggering 60 percent.

The divide between the rich and the poor is ever-expanding. Despite being a middle-income country, 70 percent of the population is categorized as poor, leaving eSwatini as one of the most unequal nations on earth. On the side of the progressives, political parties have failed to articulate compelling alternative solutions to tackle these bread-and-butter issues and the lived reality of many a Swazi.

Successful societal transformations have typically been highly focused and far-reaching. The Mauritian Militant Movement (MMM), for example, successfully led a transformation that brought genuine political change to Mauritius, resulting in one of the most stable democracies in Africa today. This movement was marked by its clear vision for independence and economic development, which translated into concrete improvements in the quality of life for its citizens.


A protest organised in the UK by one of the diaspora movements for democracy in eSwatini

Another noteworthy example is Rwanda under Paul Kagame. Rwanda's transformation, though characterized by heavy-handed state control, has focused on stability, economic growth, and social development, making it one of Africa's most remarkable success stories. In contrast, outside of the staple critique directed at royal expenditure, eSwatini parties seem reluctant to present any bold and tangible proposals for the benefit of the people.

Instead, the most specific and often impractical proposals are now emerging from fringe groups, loudly advocating for interventions such as a Government of National Unity on social media. This lack of strategic direction is further complicated by a troubling mimicry of South African political overtures, which some of our political players within the Multi-Democratic Movement (MDM) have been rightly criticized for emulating.

More than ever before, the apparent reversals of the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) threaten to undermine the hopes for meaningful change. While not exhaustive, a few significant trends have emerged since the unrest of July 2021.By far the most dramatic change in the prosecution of the struggle for democracy emerged with the advent of an armed militia group known as the Swaziland International Solidarity Forces.

What are we to learn from the messy aftermath of their spectacular rise and collapse? This underground military group, for a short time, induced fear and terror into the heart of the Tinkhundla regime, bringing about a never-before-seen caution to the brutality of the security forces. The story of the SISF is an important but inadequately chronicled part of our nation's history.

If we consider the public testimonies of some members of the freedom-fighting unit, the narrative that emerges is that weaknesses in the chain of these covert and revolutionary efforts can largely be attributed to the political principals in the MDM. The aftermath of the suspension of the group's activities unfolds like a Shakespearean tragedy—these men, who had operated from the shadows, rose quickly and briefly, making an impactful stand against the regime.

Their struggle, however, was fraught with severe hardships: their time in exile was marked by unimaginable difficulties, and a number of them met tragic ends. Some were captured and incarcerated, others kidnapped and illegally extradited by the state or targeted by rogue vigilantes. Reports indicate that those who remained in the 'camps' were neglected, left in a state of discontent and disillusionment.

Allegations of involvement in brutal assassinations and poisonings further cloud their legacy, adding complexity to an already tragic and convoluted chapter of the struggle. What is certain and without doubt is that the country is on a one-way trajectory to a day of political reckoning. The monarchy and the Tinkhundla system, the crown's bulwark, have lost their moral authority among the ordinary people. Culturally, King Mswati III has kept the discipline of maintaining a ceremonial calendar, and to some extent, this cultural relevance has enabled him to maintain some hold on the nation’s imagination as well as that of the international community.